The Green Party aims to implement a European-wide speed limit on highways during the campaign for the European elections.

Die letzte Europawahl war im Mai 2019, und für die deutschen Grünen hat sich seitdem vor allem zweierlei geändert: Sie sind jetzt Regierungspartei und in den Umfragen abgerutscht – und so liest sich auch ihr Programm für die Europawahl im Juni 2024, dessen Entwurf am Donnerstag in Berlin präsentiert wurde.

The focus is not on what one might want but never attain – rather, it is on what is feasible or at least has a small chance.

It appears that the Greens no longer want to try to enforce a speed limit on highways against the resistance of their coalition partner FDP and their Minister of Transportation, Volker Wissing. Instead, they are seeking an alternative route through Brussels. „We advocate for a European Union-wide speed limit on highways,“ states the draft.

Tempolimit, aber wie?

The draft does not reveal how this is supposed to work. According to the letters of the EU treaties, the Commission could possibly propose such a speed limit based on traffic or environmental law. However, it would still need to be approved by the Council of Member States with a qualified majority and by the European Parliament with a simple majority.

Soweit die juristische Theorie. In der politischen Praxis würde aber wohl weder EU-Kommissionspräsidentin von der Leyen – sollte sie wiedergewählt werden – noch ein anderer Kommissionschef versuchen, ein solches Tempolimit gegen den Willen der deutschen Regierung durchzudrücken.

The Green Party faces a dilemma when it comes to their election program, according to Green Party transport politician Anna Deparnay-Grunenberg. „On one hand, it is insane that there is still no EU-wide speed limit,“ said the Member of the European Parliament. „On the other hand, it is naturally difficult to imagine that it will become a reality tomorrow.“

The Greens are cautious in their wording regarding the controversial topic of building renovation and heating, especially in Germany – but they clearly support the EU’s plans. They propose that even old buildings must meet certain stricter energy classes. However, there are protests against this, including from the FDP, who believe that it will impose high costs on property owners.

In the Green Party program, it is stated that they support „the advancement of European requirements for building and heating efficiency in order to quickly and affordably free buildings from dependence on fossil fuels.“ They primarily rely on counseling and financial incentives for this purpose. Similar to Germany, other EU countries should also require their municipalities to engage in heat planning.

Ein weiteres kontroverses Thema ist der Kurswechsel der Grünen bei der unterirdischen Speicherung von Kohlendioxid. In einigen wenigen Bereichen werde es auch in Zukunft schwierig sein, Treibhausgasemissionen zu vermeiden, heißt es im Programmentwurf. »In diesen Bereichen wollen wir technologische Chancen nutzen und das CO₂ direkt bei der Produktion abscheiden, speichern und gegebenenfalls nutzen.«

Es wäre eine Kehrtwende gegenüber der bisherigen Position der Grünen zur CO₂-Abscheidung, auch unter dem Kürzel CCS (»Carbon Capture and Storage«) bekannt. Wäre – denn ob es die Passage ins finale Wahlprogramm schafft, ist keineswegs sicher. In den nächsten fünf Wochen nimmt der Bundesvorstand Änderungsanträge an.

„I cannot reword“

A sentence regarding the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the EU could cause trouble with farmers. It accounts for almost one-third of the more than one trillion euro total EU multiannual budget. About three-quarters of that amount is allocated as flat-rate, area-based direct payments to farmers. The Green Party wants to abolish these payments, as they „create wrong incentives and do not contribute effectively to a sustainable agricultural structure.“ Instead, they want to consistently promote services for climate, environment, biodiversity, and health.